Shafqat Mahmood

The writer is a former Senator and a former federal and provincial minister

smahmood@lhr.comsats.net.pk

To paraphrase Lincoln, the world will little note nor long remember the Taliban, but the impact of their fall on Pakistan has been quite profound. With their less than ceremonious ouster, all the bluster has gone out of our homegrown extremist elements. Remember how aggressive they were not too long ago? Preaching open revolt against the government, threatening a march on Islamabad, calling on the army to overthrow Musharraf. Now suddenly they are nowhere to be seen. They have melted away like a blob of ice in summer heat.

This sudden change in the fortunes of our extremists is more easily understood if one pays careful attention to the end game in Afghanistan. We always knew that there were some Pakistanis fighting alongside the Taliban but their actual number has come as a surprise. Hundreds, indeed thousands, have been captured or have died in Kunduz and Mazar-e-Sharif. Many others are still trapped in Kandhar. It appears that a veritable army of our countrymen were important players in the Taliban movement.

This is a bit of a surprise for the uninitiated. Everyone knew that some of our worst terrorist had taken refuge in Afghanistan. The Riaz Basras of this world had found a ready sanctuary over there under the protection of the Taliban. Whenever we asked for their return, we were rebuffed. These murderers now appear to have been the tip of the proverbial iceberg. There were many more who were using Afghanistan as a base for training in warfare. They were hardened cadres because they are putting up a better fight than the Taliban army.

These people were obviously the reserve strength of our extremist elements. If you know that you can call upon hundreds of trained men to fight for you, it gives you a great sense of power. Now, with more knowledge, one can easily understand the aggressive impulses of our extremists. They knew something that we did not. They had a reserve army, trained in warfare, ready to do their bidding. Their threats against the government were not without substance. They were ready to fight, if they had to fight.

Most of this has changed with the collapse of the Taliban. For one, hundreds of these trained fighters have been killed or captured. This is no small setback. It has broken the back of the extremist's reserve army. Second, the psychological impact of the unceremonious retreat by the Taliban has been immense. The emotional heat that accompanied all those slogans against the great Satan made some people believe that Taliban would emerge victorious. There was no logical foundation for this belief, but 'jazba' is often beyond logic. Taliban's defeat is a much-needed doze of reality for many of these people.

Third, Afghanistan is no longer a sanctuary. It is no longer possible to commit crimes in Pakistan and seek shelter in Afghanistan. Part of the reason why many of our campaigns against sectarianism failed in the past was precisely this. The killers were nowhere to be found. They were having rest and recreation in the hills of Jalalabad. Hopefully, this would no longer be possible. Afghanistan as a safe haven for bad eggs will be at an end.

These developments are having a serious impact on the extremist elements in Pakistan. They are on the back foot, almost in retreat. Their power on the ground has suffered a serious setback and most importantly their will has been broken. It is for this reason that you do not see any enthusiasms in their campaign against the government. Those who still remember the rhetoric after September 11 would not have failed to notice the profound change that has come in extremists' demeanour and behaviour.

I still remember with profound sadness some of the slogans that were mouthed by these elements. They said, Pakistan has never won a war and Afghans have never lost a war. This was a distortion of Afghan history and a terrible put down of our armed forces. It almost seemed as if their love for the Taliban transcended any love they had for Pakistan. This gives substance to the charge that for these people the elusive Ummah, elusive because it is hard to define it, took precedence over their own country.

It is clear then that the extremists in Pakistan are at their weakest today than they have been for a long time. We are often fond of quoting election statistics to portray them as a very small minority. They are indeed a small minority but their impact on direction of the country has been very significant. From TV programs, to official holidays, to the rituals of every ceremonial, the sensibilities of the extremists have been pandered to. It would not be wrong to say that since the last days of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, they have shaped the form and content of our public discourse.

There is an opportunity now to change all this. The government seems to recognise it because, from what we have been hearing, a plan is afoot to clip their wings. The obvious target is the madrassas, because they act as a nursery to create future extremists. This is not to decry religious education. Such an education is a must in an Islamic country but it has to be within certain parameters. We must not allow these madrassas to preach hatred against other sects or create divisions where none exist. Most importantly, these seminaries need to have a syllabus that caters to the world as well as to religious needs - Din or Dunya so to speak.

It is good that the government has decided to monitor foreign students in these institutions. While doing this, it is also important to monitor the source of funds for many religious leaders and the seminaries they head. More often than not these funds are coming from outside the country. There is a strong competition for these funds and many stratagems are used to attract them.

Among the Mullahs this has almost become a game. They have, often illegally, added rooms to the mosques to start religious school. Of all the places, this is most visible in Islamabad. The purpose of such additions is two fold. To increase their strength by having students to do their bidding and to compete for funds. There is a need to examine all this and as a first step stop the flow of foreign funds. Illegal constructions also need to be demolished. A mosque is honourable place of religious worship and should not be used for any other purpose.

While on the source of funds for extremist elements, the use of Zakat money also must be minutely examined. During the Zia years a deliberate effort was made to funnel these funds into specified mosques and towards specific religious leaders. Much of our extremism has been funded through public money. This is a shame and a terrible use of scarce resources. A hard look at all Zakat disbursements is necessary. Wherever it is going in the wrong direction, it must be stopped.

There are many other areas that need to be looked into. For a long time now we have had a law that prohibits the use of mosque loudspeakers other than for Azan and Khutba. This is a law that has never been observed. Governments have been afraid of taking on the mullah and thus have allowed the life of the ordinary people to be made hell by the indiscriminate use of loudspeakers. It is time that this law should be implemented with zero tolerance. Anyone saying a word beyond the permissible should be hauled up and proceeded against.

Needless to say, there is a strong need to enforce the law against illegal weapons. The de-weaponisation campaign needs to be focused and targeted. All seminaries giving military training to their followers need to be closed down. This country can ill afford armed militias that threaten the citizens and the state.

The extremists are down but not out. Once the dust has settled in Afghanistan, they will try a resurgence. The important thing is that the government must stay on the course. This is a historic opportunity to clean our body politic of dangerous elements. We must not miss it.