The wanton killing of Muslims in Gujarat has driven a burning stake into the heart of Indian secularism. This oft repeated mantra, this pride of Indian liberalism, this specially claimed distinction of its democracy, lies in tatters. The world watches in horror as marauding Hindu gangs torch entire neighbourhoods' and burn one Muslim village after another. The state pretends to be powerless, but the reality is that its elements, particularly the police, instigate and at times spearhead the carnage. The army is called in but rather too late. By the time it moves in, more than a thousand are dead and property worth billions has been burnt to ashes.

The role of the political leadership is more than unsavoury. Instead of dousing the fires of hatred and moving swiftly to control a rapidly deteriorating situation, it busies itself in providing justifications or focusing on the wrong issues. Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi starts to spout Newton's third law, "to every action there is an equal and opposite reaction". Prime Minister Vajpayee, while lamenting the fact that these killings are a blot on the Indian nation, does not say a word about the disgraceful behaviour of the state government. The home minister, Mr Advani, promises to punish the perpetrators of the Godhra train tragedy, in which fifty-seven Hindu radicals were killed. He does not say what action will be taken against the mass murderers of Muslims.

The disgraceful role of the Indian state does not end here. Compensation is immediately announced for the victims, all Hindus, of the Godhra tragedy -- Rs 2 lacs per head. No compensation has so far been announced for the Muslim properties burnt or for the thousands dead. The atmosphere of fear in Gujarat has forced Muslims in large numbers to leave their homes and run for their life. These internally displaced persons have been herded into, what can only be called, concentration camps. There is widespread shortage of food and medicine and the security is less than desirable. No one is bothered. More are dying everyday in these inhumane conditions.

This is what is so distinctive about this latest communal tragedy in India -- the complicity of those in power. There have been communal riots in India before. Without going into all the earlier killings, let us look at the recent past. In 1984, Indira Gandhi's death provoked a violent reaction against the Sikhs and hundreds, maybe thousands, were killed. In 1992, after the destruction of the Babri mosque, there were widespread massacres in Bombay. These were disasters on a grand scale, but there was little collusion of the state. This time it is different. The link between the marauding and murdering gangs in Gujarat and the state government is direct.

The BJP government in Gujarat is clearly a party to the killing of Muslims. Its chief minister is a known Hindu radical, a protÈgÈ of Mr Advani and has been involved in murderous activities before. There are credible reports that he has put together and trained a gang of twenty to thirty thousand 'storm troopers'. These are then dispatched to all parts of India to create trouble. They were the ones on the trains to Ayodhya and at every stop harassed, beat up and at times killed any Muslims they could get hold of. This was not only in Gujarat but also on the railway stations of other states particularly UP. This is no justification for the counter attack on them at the Godhra railway station, but it is important to understand the context.

The fact that Gujarat has become a laboratory for Hindu activism is well known but is conveniently ignored. Here is an example of a state government actively engaged in sponsoring and exporting terror all over India but the central authorities do not care. In fact, there is sufficient evidence that the ruling BJP looks at Gujarat as a home base. It is not a surprise then that no action is being contemplated against its government. Central governments in India have been quite intrusive in the past. State governments have been dismissed for real or imagined misdemeanours or purely for political reasons. In this case, despite a mountain of damning evidence, nothing is being done.

This brings into focus the role of the BJP at the centre and what games it is up to. It is clear that it did not move swiftly to stop the carnage and is not ready to proceed against the state government. If not collusion, this certainly is silent approval. On a larger political canvas, it is obvious that the BJP is reverting to its Hindu fundamentalist roots with vengeance. Its recent defeat in the state elections could have been interpreted in different ways. It could have been seen as an outcome of poor governance or a result of poor leadership at the state level. This is not the lesson being drawn. Instead the defeat is being blamed on the dilution of its message of 'Hindutva' -- Hindu religious supremacy.

The change in the BJP strategy started to become obvious shortly before the elections. Prime Minister Vajpayee claimed then that he does not need Muslim votes to win. The Ayodhya issue was reactivated with the VHP (Vishwa Hindu Prashid or World Hindu Congress) giving March 15 as a deadline for the construction of the Ram Mandir. These were not isolated steps or a happenstance. They were designed to go back to the tried and tested formula of Hindu revivalism. It did not work but the strategy remains the same. Deliberate chaos is being created to recapture the Hindu heartland with an appeal to its most radical instincts. The fight is on for the core of Indian politics. The way this battle is played out will not only determine who will rule India for years to come, but it will also have a direct bearing on peace in South Asia.

The BJP politics of hardline Hindu fundamentalism was diluted in the centre for a number of reasons. It was part of coalition and had to cater to the sensibilities of other parties. Power and the responsibilities that come with it also traditionally have a calming effect. All this is likely to change. BJP will start to appear in its true colours. The orthodoxy of Hindutva will become the guiding philosophy and this will determine domestic political manoeuvrings. It may also have a profound impact on foreign policy.

With BJP pulled back in the direction of Hindu radicalism, the mild phase of peace initiatives to Pakistan is over. Another Lahore or an Agra is unlikely in the near future. We may bend as far backward as we can, it will have little impact. Peace with Pakistan will be on the backburner until the next general elections. It is tragic but the cycle of hostility in the subcontinent will continue for a while.

The real challenge now is to the secular forces in India. It should be noted that civil society organisations have mobilised themselves and protests against the killings in Gujarat are taking place in different cities of India. Pressure is also being exerted on the central government to dismiss the Gujarat state government, but with little effect so far. While the civil society is active, the mainstream political parties, like the Congress, who never tire of preaching secularism, have been slow to move. Perhaps the lure of the Hindu vote was keeping them back but this is changing. Petitions are being signed by MPs and the government is sure to be given a hard time in the parliament.

These are trying times for India. Muslims are the largest minority numbering close to a hundred and fifty million but there are others -- Christians, Buddhists and Jain. Then, within the Hindu spectrum there are the lower castes and the untouchables. If this cauldron of disparate people starts to boil, there will be serious trouble. India has to find a way to construct a society that is all-inclusive and accommodates everyone. Despite loud claims, this has not

happened so far. The next decade of Indian politics will determine whether it will ever come to pass.